Unveiling the Intricate Network of Political Conspiracy in Bangladesh.

 

I would like to begin this discussion by referencing a report published in the Prothom Alo Online Edition on September 25, which has gained considerable traction, especially on social media. The report highlights remarks made by the Interim Government's Chief Adviser: “This movement has been carried out very systematically (not haphazardly). Nothing happened. It was very tidy. Even, people did not know who was leading the movement. So, you can't just grab someone and say, well the movement is over. The way they spoke will inspire young people all over the world. We want to build a new Bangladesh.”

Dr. Yunus is correct; this movement was indeed planned and organized. The coordinators leading it were not originally part of the original leadership; they were simply coordinators. One of them emerged as a central figure after Dr. Yunus assumed power, acting as the mastermind behind the movement. However, the specific power or group behind this mastermind has yet to be revealed.

Initially, this movement began as a protest against the quota system in government jobs, serving merely as a pretext. The actual plan was to incite public outrage against the government, potentially leading to violent incidents, including student killings, which would silence even a portion of government supporters. If the movement escalated into violence, the casualties could rise, drawing anti-government political forces into the streets. All activities since Dr. Yunus' rise to power appear to be part of this broader strategy.

The anti-Awami forces have gathered around this movement against the quota system. A key success of the movement's planners has been the unification of all anti-government forces after 15 years, without conflict over leadership. They have twisted the movement's aims into a bizarre demand, steering it toward bloody confrontations that result in fatalities and public outrage. The common people, seeing only six coordinators as leaders, are largely unaware of the larger forces at play, which the government has repeatedly highlighted. Yet, the public remains skeptical of the government's claims, and this disbelief only fuels the movement's momentum.

The politics of Bangladesh is fundamentally divided into two factions centered around the liberation war: the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The BNP, formed after 1975, became a significant player in Bangladeshi politics, leading to power shifts primarily between these two parties in the post-1990 period. Unfortunately, the BNP has become a refuge for anti-liberation war forces, especially Jamaat-e-Islami, which has a history of opposing Bangladesh's independence. This alliance has had far-reaching consequences, particularly evident during the elections of 2001 when Jamaat was allowed to share power with the BNP despite its opposition to the independence movement.

The new generation, however, rallied behind the Awami League, particularly due to their commitment to prosecuting war criminals. The Awami League’s pursuit of justice against these criminals weakened Jamaat, driving them underground. The group, cornered and stripped of leadership, saw its influence dwindle as the Awami League enacted its agenda.

Now, let’s delve into the opposition forces of the liberation war. While Jamaat-e-Islami is often identified as the primary anti-liberation force, it’s crucial to remember that the United States played a significant role in this narrative. The superpower intervened during Bangladesh's liberation, sending the nuclear-powered Seventh Fleet to thwart the independence movement. The historical reluctance of the United States to accept Bangladesh’s sovereignty cannot be overstated; this sentiment is echoed in their actions and rhetoric surrounding contemporary political dynamics.

The question arises: how could a relatively marginalized party like Jamaat and a foreign power orchestrate a well-planned movement within Bangladesh? To understand this, we must consider the role of civil society and NGOs, particularly those aligned with American interests, such as Prothom Alo and various so-called civil organizations. These entities have historically opposed the Awami League, with some even attempting to undermine Bangladesh's political landscape through initiatives like the 'minus two' formula during Fakhruddin Ahmed’s regime.

Let’s outline the parties implicated in this movement:

• United States of America
• Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatrashibir
• Prothom Alo Group
• Farhad Mazhar and his followers
• Hefazat Islam and the Charmonair Pir
• So-called civil society groups
• The ‘B Team’ of Jamaat and Prothom Alo
• BNP and its affiliates for manpower supply

The BNP has been actively involved, believing that the downfall of the Awami League would pave their path back to power. Meanwhile, the 'B Team' refers to those parties with limited political influence yet vocal against the Awami League. Civil society, too, has been active, with prominent figures occupying various roles in the interim government.

Hefazat Islam, comprising Qawmi madrasas, has also played a role. This group, which seeks to impose a Taliban-style regime in Bangladesh, has a history of violent activities and connections with extremist organizations. Their involvement was particularly evident during the recent July-August protests, where they resorted to violence, drawing on their experience from previous conflicts.

Farhad Mazhar, a noted anti-Awami intellectual, has been vocal in demanding a constitutional overhaul following recent events, attempting to rewrite the narrative of Bangladesh’s liberation war. This faction seeks to erase the true history and reshape the country's identity.

Prothom Alo and Daily Star serve as platforms for civil society discourse. During Fakhruddin Ahmed’s rule, these publications circulated messages aligned with the ‘minus two’ formula, and Dr. Yunus’ political ambitions were also promoted through these outlets.

The Jamaat-e-Islami has a dark history rooted in opposition to Bangladesh’s independence, having collaborated with Pakistani forces during the liberation war. They were involved in heinous crimes against humanity and later resurged under the patronage of military rulers like General Zia.

The United States, having been opposed to Bangladesh’s sovereignty since its inception, has attempted to regain influence, especially after the Awami League came to power again in 1996. During this time, various conspiracies were unveiled, including attempts to delegitimize the Awami League’s governance and the ongoing trials of war criminals.

The relationship between domestic conspirators and external powers became apparent during recent movements. Just as the Ukrainian uprising in 2014 saw the emergence of a puppet government, similar patterns are observable in Bangladesh, particularly surrounding the anti-quota protests. The initial deaths and subsequent casualties raise suspicions about the true motives behind these incidents.

The narrative surrounding the anti-quota movement echoes that of the Maidan massacre in Ukraine. The deaths of activists and the mysterious circumstances surrounding them suggest a coordinated effort to manipulate public sentiment and incite violence.

In conclusion, it is imperative for the Bangladeshi people to recognize and resist this multifaceted conspiracy. The United States views Bangladesh as a strategic pawn in its geopolitical games, and it is crucial for citizens to remain vigilant and aware of these external influences that threaten the nation’s sovereignty and independence.

Written by:
Editor of littlemag AkaalBodhon
Date: September 28, 2024